Do illegal immigrants have Second Amendment rights? The Sixth Circuit just said no, though the panel couldn’t agree on why. Authorities found three firearms when searching the home of Milder Escobar-Temal, a Guatemalan citizen who entered the U.S. illegally over a decade ago and who was suspected of abusing his 14-year-old stepdaughter. He was charged under 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(5)(A), which prohibits individuals unlawfully present in the U.S. from possessing firearms. Escobar-Temal argued this provision violates his Second Amendment rights. A Sixth Circuit panel unanimously rejected that claim, but the judges splintered on their reasoning.
The Second Amendment’s “right to keep and bear arms,” District of Columbia v. Heller held, is an “individual right.” Fourteen years after Heller, N.Y. State Rifle & Pistol Ass’n v. Bruen created a two-step methodology for analyzing Second Amendment claims.
Step one is a textual analysis. Courts examine the Second Amendment’s plain text to see if the rights-claimant and his conduct fall within it. If the claimant satisfies this step, the Constitution presumptively protects his conduct, and the burden shifts to the government. Step two is a historical analysis. The government is required to show that the challenged provision “is consistent with the Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.” Here, courts reason analogically between the modern gun provision at issue and historical firearm regulations, assessing whether they are “relevantly similar.”
The opinions in United States v. Escobar-Temal
Bruen thus framed the questions in Escobar-Temal. At step one: was the defendant among “the people” who possess the right to bear arms? And if so, step two: does American history and tradition support disarming unlawfully present noncitizens? At step one, Escobar-Temal initially bore the burden of showing that he and his conduct fell under the Second Amendment’s plain text. While no party disputed that his conduct (possessing a firearm) was presumptively protected, the key question was whether he—as someone in the country illegally—fell within the plain meaning of “the people.”
Relying on Supreme Court cases about other constitutional rights, the majority reasoned that “the people” is broader than just U.S. citizens and includes those “who have otherwise developed sufficient connection with this country to be considered part of” our national community. Escobar-Temal satisfied this test because his long-term residence, employment, and family ties in the U.S. showed enough connections to the national community despite his unlawful immigration status.
But Escobar-Temal failed at the next step, as the majority held that the government satisfied its burden by demonstrating a longstanding historical tradition of founding-era laws disarming those who “lack[ed] a regulable relationship to the government.” Among others, the majority cited Quakers who refused to take loyalty oaths and those who wouldn’t renounce their allegiance to the British Crown, as key examples demonstrating this historical tradition.
Judge Thapar agreed with the result but not the reasoning. For him, the case ended at step one because “the people,” he reasoned, refers only to citizens who consented to the government of the United States. Since illegal immigrants are not citizens, he concluded that they do not fall within the ambit of the Second Amendment.
To support this argument, Judge Thapar drew from sources like Blackstone, the Federalist Papers, state constitutions, and other historical materials. He noted, for instance, George Washington’s Farewell Address to underscore how the founders believed “democratic governance necessitated a strict division between citizens and aliens.” Even though step one can generally be characterized as a textual analysis and step two a historical one, Judge Thapar still engaged with history at his step one inquiry, but only insofar as it was relevant to uncovering the original meaning of “the people.”
Takeaways and Looking Ahead
Query how substantial the disagreements were between the judges on the panel. Was this simply two paths to the same conclusion, or reflective of a larger fight about which rights noncitizens enjoy? Judge Thapar concluded that illegal immigrants simply have no Second Amendment rights, whereas the majority maintained they presumptively enjoy the right to bear arms, but history permits Congress to categorically remove it. These alternative approaches call to mind then-Judge Barrett’s discussion in Kanter v. Barr, in which she considered “competing ways of approaching the constitutionality of gun dispossession laws.” The first approach “uses history and tradition to identify the scope of the right, and the other uses that same body of evidence to identify the scope of the legislature’s power to take it away.”
More broadly, this case joins a growing trend of courts relying on text, history, and tradition to resolve constitutional cases. By mandating this approach, Bruen rejected judge-made balancing tests like the tiers of scrutiny, long used in areas like the First Amendment. Look out for whether the Supreme Court will replace the tiers of scrutiny in favor of a Bruen-like approach elsewhere.
Another issue concerns which historical period governs Second Amendment challenges brought against state gun restrictions rather than federal ones. The Supreme Court has held that the Fourteenth Amendment—ratified in 1868—incorporated the Second Amendment, making it applicable against the states (it originally constrained only the federal government). While founding-era history generally governs claims against federal gun restrictions, it remains unsettled whether courts evaluating state regulations should instead look to the historical tradition at or around the Fourteenth Amendment’s ratification.